Wanted a Leader
Ahmad Rashid

Hard times, it is said, create the best leaders. The expression however finds little relevance when made out against the backdrop of Kashmir, which has been passing through severest crisis since the inception of militancy in late 1989. Those who believe that leaders are made in crisis might deem it as a great flaw that despite mass support, Kashmir's “freedom” struggle failed to throw up a leadership that could have steered it in proper and positive direction. Many of them attribute lack of serious and astute leadership as the prime reason for the muddle and mess that has swallowed this movement.

But my contention is different. I believe that militancy was, in fact, a frantic reaction to Kashmir's failed political leadership, leaving little scope for managing things politically. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah championed the cause of azadi (plebiscite) for 22 years (1953-75). During this period he got all the love and respect from the people, who adored him no less than a saint. But ironically, the Sher-e-Kashmir, as Abdullah used to be addressed commonly by the people, never reciprocated with the same respect to the sentiment and slogan of the people. He gave away the slogan of azadi in utter disdain and went into an Accord with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1975 and that too exclusive on her terms and conditions, only to be installed as Chief Minister of the state. Abdullah's volte-face on azadi slogan dealt a severe psychological blow to a man in the streets and he was fed with a sense of deprivation and defeatist mentality. He not only lost faith and trust in political leadership but was noshed up with the thinking that it (political leadership) was unworthy of realizing his dreams. This frame of mind burst like a volcano when thousands of people came on to the streets in support of the gun when it first made its way into Kashmir in the late eighties. Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, a political platform then floated by around a dozen political groups including Jamaat-e-Islami, found few takers. Common man instead found it an honour in identifying himself with militants. And despite all the vices and weaknesses, militants emerged as heroes. It is perhaps this peoples' support for militants that drove many political beings, directly or indirectly, into the armed movement. The Tehreek virtually died before it could gain even a semblance of recognition and stability. A common reaction to the Hurriyat platform, a few years later, was all the more same. That was vividly established by the fact that the Hurriyat Conference, despite being an amalgam of over two dozen political groups, could not revive the peoples' uprising of 1990. This despite the fact that the amalgam leadership then included militant leaders like Mohammad Yasin Malik, Javid Mir, Shabir Ahmad Shah and dozens others in its echelons on whose call hundreds and thousands of people used to occupy streets for weeks together to ventilate their sentiments in the embryonic days of militancy.The common man kept distance from the politicians even when situation was favoring them. With the emergence of many more guns on the scene - those of the paramilitary forces, Ikhwanis (pro-government militants) and Special Operation Group (SOG) of Jammu and Kashmir Police - the atmosphere in Kashmir took a torrid turn. And it was the common man who appeared to be sweltering under the spewing fire of the guns. The rule book would have suggested them to jump towards the softer option - the political platform of the Hurriyat Conference to get off the heat. But despite this situational compulsion, common people appeared little prepared to align with the political leadership. They, in fact, continued with their antipathy towards political leaders and found it even more convenient to remain as distant onlookers rather than aligning with them. For the common people most of the Hurriyat leaders belonged to the same political culture which had betrayed them.Ironically, this aversion was furthered more by none other than the "leaders of the movement" themselves. Inconsistency in their commitment dealt another blow to their integrity and authority. Hurriyat was formed with a pro Pakistan agenda. Its constitution pleaded for implementation of the United Nations Security Council's resolutions, notwithstanding the fact that Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), standing for complete independence, was an important ingredient of the Hurriyat amalgam. The only other option in Hurriyat constitution was the tripartite talks - among India, Pakistan and Kashmiri representatives - in case any of the three parties disagreed on UN resolutions. Hurriyat leaders however kept on changing their positions ridiculously at the peril of their own credibility.

Given the huge presence of security forces and police around, individually few people would be prepared to speak publicly in favour of militants. But their collective mindset has never faulted on this front. That has expressly been exhibited on the occasions of death of militants at the hands of police and paramilitary forces. But this had never been the case with regard to political activists. Hundreds of political leaders and activists have been killed at the hands of unknown gunmen and security forces in Kashmir. On November 12, 2007 over 20,000 people participated in the burial procession and prayers of four militants at Dooru village near Sopore in northern Baramulla district. The militants had been killed in a 12-hour long gun-battle during which several residential houses were also demolished. But the residents forgot their own collateral losses and instead mourned the loss of the "mujahideen". All the militants were Pakistani nationals with no acquaintances, friends or relatives in Kashmir.
Common people never gave them the same respect, and never treated them at par with militants killed by troops.

To quote just two incidents: Moulvi Mushtaq, political secretary of Mirwaiz Ummer Farooq was shot dead by unknown gunmen inside a mosque at Rajouri Kadal in old Srinagar during mid-day (zuhar) prayers. Advocate Hissam-ud-din, political secretary of Syed Ali Geelani, was killed in the same fashion in his house at Bemina on the outskirts of Srinagar. Both were public faces and had large circles of friends, acquaintances, colleagues and contacts within and outside political and peoples' sections. Their killings, howsoever gruesome these were, did not evoke as much public resentment as one would have expected. Not more than 2000 peoples participated in the burial prayers of Moulvi Mushtaq, notwithstanding the fact that Mirwaiz family enjoys formidable clout in many parts of the interior Srinagar. Supporters of Mirwaiz had to resort to violent methods to enforce a strike in Srinagar's uptown area. This was quite true in case of Hissam-ud-din as well. The strike called to mourn his death evoked partial response and attendance in his jinaza prayers was as thin as that of Moulvi Mushtaq

One more hard reality often ignored while analyzing the Kashmir situation is that the common people never shut their doors on militants. Government statistics say that around 500 militants are presently operating in Kashmir. Most of the clashes between militants and Indian troops do occur in inhabited areas, and it is almost a routine with the troops to destroy the houses and structures used by militants as their shelter-houses. Hardly one would ever hear a sufferer (whose house is destroyed during clash) complaining against militants.
Political psychologists and commentators might be missing these hard points while analyzing the Kashmir situation but government strategists and policy makers have seldom lost sight of this basic fact. Militants are their prime targets. "Kill them (militants) either physically or by inculcating political ambitions in them" is the theme of strategy towards militants. And their game plan is yielding results. Right from Yasin Malik to Imran Rahi, the government has neutralized hundreds of militant commanders. Salahuddin is their next target. They would like him to be on a talking table before he is reduced to a Bilal Lodhi or Mohiuddin Lone. The oft-repeated demand from certain quarters to include Syed Salah-ud-din in dialogue process is a part of this strategy.
Ends

Of chief ministers and their mentors
By Ahmad Rashid
News Delhi is using its men in Kashmir like Polo horses, and shoots them down once they loose utility and fail to win the race, comments Ahmad Rashid
On July 11, when former RAW chief A S Dulat, in an interview with rediff news portal, said that he viewed Omer Abdullah as the next chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, he only but reminded of a common perception and practice that chief ministers (for JK) are made in Delhi. It must be seen as an act of kindness that New Delhi relieved off the people of Kashmir of a terminally daunting task of electing a chief minister, more particularly when separatist parties and persons have apparently got together to oppose the elections. Like economic packages, political package in the form of a chief minister is no less a favor of New Delhi on the people of Kashmir. Assembly elections are still months ahead but New Delhi declared the result. People of Kashmir have little to bother about who could or should be in-charge of the civil secretariat now.

Exposure of New Delhi’s this year’s election plans by Dulat found Omer Abdullah tower over one and all. Two days later, Omer, on July 13, reciprocated New Delhi’s kind gesture with all that it could have wanted. Omer, at Martyrs’ Graveyard, fired all his salvos indiscriminately targeting both factions of the Hurriyat Conference, PDP and the Congress.

It reminds one of a billboard local Congress party had put up at Humhamma Chowk on airport road during Sonia Gandhi’s visit to Srinagar in April. The billboard read: we are thankful to Mrs. Sonia Gandhi for appointing Ghulam Nabi Azad as chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir. When Azad was appointed chief minister, he was not even member of the State Assembly. His appointment orders came from Congress’s Delhi headquarters three days before Kashmir Congress legislature party (CLP) elected him as its leader in the state Assembly in November 2005. He got elected to the state Assembly several months later. In 2002, it were Dr Manmohan Singh (he was not Prime Minister then) and Ambika Soni, who gave the “good news” to the people of Kashmir that Mufti Mohammad Sayed would be the new occupant of top seat in the civil secretariat. Like Azad Mufti too was not member of the state Assembly then. Mufti’s party PDP had got 16 as against NC’s 28 and Congress’s 20 seats.

Despite being single largest party in the Assembly, the National Conference did not stake claim for government formation. The NC leadership knew that dispensation at New Delhi was not in a mood to oblige them this time. The inkling had come, a couple of months before, in Independence Day message of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee saying elections in Kashmir would be free and fair. More than anyone else, it was Dr Farooq Abdullah who read the exact import of the message: New Delhi was to put money on some other person. Dr Farooq Abdullah and his party had emerged as darling of New Delhi in 1996 when Kashmir was passing through a complete political chaos in the wake of armed movement against Indian rule. The traditional political parties had turned to separatist politics and other mainstream groups like PDP and PDF did not exist then. New Delhi was desperate to look for some bet. Farooq Abdullah came handy. It was Farooq Abdullah’s second bonhomie with New Delhi. Farooq was earlier bestowed with the seat of power by New Delhi in 1986 with the concurrence of then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Local Congress was also made to share power with the Abdullah. The partnership lasted beyond 1987-elections—infamous for rigging and manipulation. Farooq had earlier shared bitter relations with New Delhi. He was dislodged from power in 1984 by engineering defection in his party—National Conference—to install his brother-in-law Ghulam Mohammad Shah as the new chief minister of the state. Farooq Abdullah’s fault was that he had tried to see eye-to-eye with the rulers at the Centre. He hosted a conclave of the leaders of India opposed to then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
Shah was shown the door even more unceremoniously in 1986 by stage-managing communal clashes—unheard till then—in the valley. The state was brought under direct rule of New Delhi.

Legacy of imposing rulers by New Delhi dates back to 1947 when then Maharaja—Hari Singh—appointed Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah as administrator for Jammu and Kashmir. Though Abdullah merited the position in his own right for his prominence and stature in politics but Maharaja never hid his aversion to Abdullah. It, however, were Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru and Sardar Patel, who prevailed on Maharaja to share power with Abdullah. A few years later Abdullah was jailed by his maker—Nehru—only to come up with a new Prime Minister for Kashmir—Bakhshi Ghulam Mohammad. But when Bakhshi, in the eyes of New Delhi lost relevance, he was made to resign to pave way for another stooge—Shamsuddin. His government however fell within a few weeks to the peoples’ uprising provoked by the theft of holy relic (SAW) from Hazratbal shrine. New Delhi stepped in again to impose a new Prime Minister—G M Sadiq—who was reduced to chief minister latter. Syed Mir Qasim, a strong aspirant for the position, traveled down to Delhi to parade members of the Assembly before central leadership to make his case but was sent back without giving any audience. Mir Qasim finally found favour with New Delhi after the death of G M Sadiq but was asked to step aside when New Delhi thought it to be the turn of Shaikh Mohammad Abdullah to take charge of the civil secretariat in 1975, ending his 22-year long (1953-75) political wilderness.

Moral of the story: chief ministers are made in Delhi and celebrated in Kashmir. Their positions however, are more or less like polo horses, which are shot down when they lose utility and fail to win the race.
Ends

Rogue police-army ring kill hapless civilians for cash rewards and promotions


“Jo chup rahay gey zuban-e-khanjar laho pukaray ga aasteen ka” (the dagger may not speak for its action but the blood on the hands of the killer would speak). The recent exposure of shock-killing of five civilians, who had gone missing in the past over one year, in fake encounters by the personnel of special operation group (SOG) of Jammu and Kashmir Police and the army has established the apt execution of the adage. And the massive search hundreds of Kashmiris began for their missing ones in the aftermath of the killing-scam speaks of the magnitude of such incidents carried out by the men in khaki just to earn cash rewards and departmental promotions.

There is no authentic record on the number of persons that have disappeared in Kashmir ever since armed trouble erupted in the state in 1989-90. Even the official statistics have reckless variation. According to Chief Minister Mr Ghulam Nabbi Azad 1074 persons have disappeared in the state. Former chief minister Mufti Mohammad Sayed (in 2003) said that only 60 persons were missing of whom, he said, many could have crossed over to Pakistan for arms training. However just a few days before Mufti’s revelation, Mr Muzaffar Hussain Beigh, then law minister in Muftis cabinet, had told the state assembly that 3744 persons were missing. The non-government organizations and human rights groups put the figure between 8000 to 10000 persons.

Whatever the truth, one can little afford to ignore the magnitude, sensitivity and seriousness of the problem, more particularly when those deemed to be protectors would turn out to be predators. Not a single day passes, ever since five missing civilians were found buried in graveyards in Ganderbal area as “Pakistani cadres of Lashkar-e-Toiba militant outfit killed in gunfights with SOG and army troops”, the hapless relatives of missing persons march through the streets of Srinagar and demand that whereabouts of their missing ones be revealed.

“Hamare khoye hoiye kahan hien” (where are our missing ones) reads a banner at Koker Bazar in Lal Chowk. The photograph of a local youth Mohammad Saeed was pasted on bottom of the banner. Saeed is alleged to have been picked up by personnel of CRPF at Regal Chowk in 1990. His whereabouts are not known since then.

There is a man who says his brother — a Special Police official — was picked up from home and tortured to death. Then a fake encounter was organised to stage his death. There is a father Abdul Rasheed Beigh of Nowshehra Srinagar — whose photographer son was picked up by the SOG in 1997. Beig then wrote a booklet, chronicling a father’s travails.

Ghulam Mohammad Bhat of Nowhatta personally visited the newspaper offices to tell the tale of his son’s “forced disappearance”. “Some plain-clothed persons picked up my son Mohammad Yaseen, outside a mosque at Jabgaripora on March 2, 2000 when he was coming out after offering night prayers. The same night security forces raided our house and searched Yaseen’s room. Since then we don’t know his whereabouts. We have searched him in every jail, police station, security camp but of no avail”, he said. 48-year old lady Parveen Ahanger of Batamaloo has been fighting a lonely battle to know the whereabouts of her son, who was arrested by security forces in 1990.

The list is endless. The relatives of missing persons have now gathered under the banner of Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) to launch a joint search for their missing ones. “We are now psychologically prepared for everything. If they have killed him, we want the body so that we can give our son a decent burial”, said Ms Parveen Ahanger, who heads the Association.

Ghulam Nabbi Azad

The exposure of the heinous crime committed by a ring of rogue police and security men was a major embarrassment for the chief minister Ghulam Nabbi Azad. His trouble had furthered as the exposure came at a time when the state assembly was in session and the opposition National Conference was ready with all the fire and cylinders to target the government. But the chief minister exhibited an unprecedented amount of courage, wit and boldness by taking the initiative into his own hands. He asked the bosses in the police to come down heavily on the personnel and officers responsible for staging fake encounters for “promotions and cash rewards”. Five policemen, including SSP Hansraj Parihar and DSP Ram Bahdur were arrested.

The chief minister left the opposition thinking for other ideas when he ordered judicial probe into the fake encounter killings. He trod miles by promising probe in all the cases of disappearances since 1990.

What goes to Mr Azad’s credit more is that he is the first chief minister who showed concern and took cognizance of the civilian killings. Custodial deaths and disappearances have been a perennial feature in all the governments (including governor’s rule) that have come up in the state since 1990.

Abdul Rasheed Beigh, whose son Fayaz Ahmad disappeared in 1997 had knocked at the door of then chief minister Dr Farooq Abdullah almost daily but little to awaken his conscience. Tasleem, Akhtar, wife of Nazir Ahmad Deka, who includes among five civilians killed as Pakistani militant by the SOG in Ganderbal, said that she visited the residence of PDP chief Mahbooba Mufti several times to seek her help in finding her missing husband but Ms Mufti did not even grant her audience.

But given all the praise and appreciation Mr Azad would deserve, it is unlikely to lessen the problems for the chief minister. More than some outward threat, Mr Azad has been entangled from within. The PDP, which is a partner in the government, is not ready to share any blame in the government. The PDP wants to take credit only for the good things going on in the government, the vile and vice could only be of other partners. This fact came crying when the Ganderbal civilian killings-scam surfaced. More than a responsible partner in the government, the PDP behaved like the opposition. It flung all the filth it could find on the Congress and squarely held the chief minister responsible for it.

Mufti Mohammad Sayed

The PDP-Congress relations appeared to be touching breaking point when the PDP patron and former chief minister Mufti Mohammad Sayed wrote chief minister Ghulam Nabbi Azad to withdraw his security. Other PDP leaders followed their patron and President Mahbooba Mufti, Ghulam Hassan Mir, Muzaffar Hussain Baigh and many more also asked for withdrawal of security. It looked no less than a bizarre thing that Mahbooba Mufti made this demand while talking to media persons under the heaviest security cover around her official Fairview house at Gupkar.

As if to maintain that she meant what the PDP say, Ms Mahbooba gave a slip to her security guards and along with Ghulam Hassan Mir visited the holy shrine at Aishmuqam in Anantnag. The PDP leaders kept their visit as the secret and telephoned media organizations of their venture without security only after they reached back to their secured residences in Srinagar. The PDP filed another missive to the chief minister to hold discussions on the issue of withdrawal of armed troops back to the barracks and abolition of hate laws. Mufti has written a formal letter to the chief minister in this regard and has sought a debate and discussion on the issue in the cabinet.

Keen observers believe that the PDP’s embarrassment for the chief minister is unlikely to see any end. These are going to increase in the days to come as the PDP ideologues are working out on a plan to dominate the psyche of the people till the assembly elections are held next year. Political pandits have a consensus that the PDP’s moves are aimed at influencing voters in the assembly elections, due next year. PDP contested the 2002-assembly election almost on a separatist agenda. The PDP leaders, more particularly, Mufti Mohammad Sayed and his daughter Ms Mahbooba Mufti touched the emotional chord by raising the issue like human rights violations by security forces, dialogue with militant leaders and withdrawal of special powers to security forces. It is widely believed that the PDP leadership is out again with the same slogans and wants to make maximum use of these slogans before the elections.

Right from Syed Ali Geelani, chairman of hard-line faction of All Parties Hurriyat Conference, to the opposition National Conference President Omer Abdullah, there seems a considered opinion that the PDP is virtually out with a campaign for elections. Both Geelani and Omer publicly blasted the PDP leadership for trying to make political capital out of “human blood”. Syed Ali Geelani described the PDP outcry on fake encounters as “makarana siysat—politics of duplicity with an eye on next elections” and alleged that when PDP was in power, hundreds of civilians and militant commanders were killed staged encounters.

Muftis are reported to have backing of a strong section of political and intelligence bureaucracy in New Delhi, and they are made aware of possible initiatives on Kashmir before hand. It is against this backdrop Syed Ali Geelani called Mufti Mohammad Sayed “the most trusted lieutenant of New Delhi and is taken into confidence in all the decisions regarding Kashmir”

Omer Abdullah

New Delhi’s more-than-expected love for the Muftis has caused frustration not only in separatist camp but the opposition National Conference is also at a loss of wits as how to fight them. Despite being a major partner in power, the PDP has left little for the National Conference to harp on as the opposition party. The PDP has pushed the NC to defensive by raising the issue of withdrawal of troops and the laws granting them special powers. The NC President was left with no choice but to oppose the PDP demand saying “time is not ripe yet for withdrawal of troops”. Left with little options, Omer Abdullah had to borrow an idea from South Africa to demand the formation of Truth and Reconciliation Commission to probe all the cases of custodial deaths and disappearances in the state.

“Time has come where there has to be a commission on the pattern of South Africa to probe human rights violations by security forces since 1989”, Omer demanded.

But what should make the National Conference look positive is that despite apparent pro-people chorus, the PDP’s sloganeering is yet to cut ice with the common masses. There is a large section of common people, who describe the PDP moves as shallow and without commitment. They hold the PDP equally responsible for the “crimes committed against them in the name of counter-insurgency operations”. The all out campaign against the PDP leadership by both factions of the Hurriyat Conference seems to have an impact on the peoples’ psyche.

A major point played against Muftis is that the father-daughter duo wooed voters in the last assembly elections promising to disband the SOG, held responsible mainly for human rights violations, but reneged on his promise after getting into the seat of power. Mufti is accused of having done to death all the top commanders of militants groups including the Hizbul Mujahideen commanders, who had held dialogue with the central government in 2000.

The National Conference leaders repeat these allegations time and again to keep them fresh in public minds. Dr Mahbooba Baigh, the NC provincial president and MLA, caused flutter in the PDP when he, in response to Muftis demand of withdrawing troops to barracks, that it was Mufti Mohammad Sayed, who forced the troops out of barracks when he was home minister. This grim reality refreshed the major massacres carried out troops in capital Srinagar and Handwara in 1990.

The blame-game continues unendingly and only time will say as which way the wind will blow.

Syed Ali Geelani

Like mainstream, the separatist politicians are out on the roads to knock down one another. They have been involved in brinkmanship of sorts for one-upmanship. Even as Syed Ali Geelani appears high on the pedal on moral grounds as against his archrival Mirwaiz Ummer Farooq, the latter however seems to be bridging more ground on diplomatic front against the former.

Syed Ali Geelani suffered a major setback as government of Pakistan has put all its weight behind Mirwaiz. Pak establishment has closed down the office of Syed Ali Geelani-led Hurriyat Conference in Islamabad. The faction is also reeling under a black-out by official Pakistan TV and Radio Pakistan in its news bulletins.

A spokesperson of Geelani-led separatist amalgam accused moderate faction of the Hurriyat led by Mirwaiz Ummer Farooq for influencing government of Pakistan to “act against their faction of the Hurriyat”. However, Shahidul Islam, a close aide and spokesperson of Mirwaiz said that it was the decision of Pakistan government. “We have nothing to do with it”, he insisted.

The Hurriyat faction was operating under the name of Kashmir Centre in Pakistan and was headquartered in the same building at Islamabad , where Mirwaiz-led Hurriyat Conference had its office. “A few days back our office-bearers went to the office as usual but were stunned to see it locked”, said the spokesperson. He said that ‘our office was closed after the visit of Mirwaiz Ummer Farooq to Islamabad ”.

Mirwaiz led a three-member team of his Hurriyat faction to Islamabad , last month, where he held talks with Pakistan President General Parvez Musharaf and other Pakistani leaders as a part of his “efforts to find a peaceful solution of Kashmir issue”. However, his visit was preceded by a protest strike in the valley, called by Syed Ali Geelani-led Hurriyat Conference.

Sources in the separatist amalgam revealed that the Hurriyat delegation pleaded with Pakistan president and prime minister that they should come up with a clear stand vis-à-vis Hurriyat Conference. “Either we (Mirwaiz-led Hurriyat) or Geelani Sahab”, the Mirwaiz and his colleagues, who included Professor Abdul Gani Bhat and Bilal Gani Lone are reported to have told the Pakistani leadership. They said that the closure of Geelani-led Hurriyat office was a follow up action to this demand. The Pakistani establishment is reported to have advised its official media including Pakistan TV and Radio Pakistan to ignore in their coverage all those separatist groups and leaders, who were operating outside Mirwaiz-led Hurriyat Conference.

Syed Ali Geelani described it as “incongruity in ideas and actions of Pakistani establishment”. “On one hand, they are inviting me for talks, and, on the other, they don’t allow my men to work freely”, he said. On February 5, Pakistan Prime Minister said that he would invite Syed Ali Geelani for talks to Islamabad. Incidentaly, Aziz’s statement came just two days after Pakistan President General parvez Musharaf hinted that Geelani would not be taken into confidence while negotiating a solution on the issue of Kashmir by saying “supporters of terrorism in Kashmir would not be taken on board”.

Pakistan foreign minister Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri has invited Geelani for meeting on February 22 in New Delhi. Kasuri is arriving in New Delhi on February 20 to participate in the Indo-Pak Joint Commission Conference on Education, Environment, Science, and Technology, Tourism, Agriculture and Telecommunication. Kasuri is likely to extend Geelani the invitation of Pak premier.

Mirwaiz Ummer Farooq

Despite his proximity with, both, New Delhi and Islamabad, things seem little rosy for the youthful leader. His Pakistan visit was preceded by a total shutdown across the valley on January 17. Grenades were also fired on his house at Nigeen in Srinagar on January 13 to keep him away from Pakistan visit. Mirwaiz says that his meetings with leaders in New Delhi and Islamabad are a part of his bit to contributing to the ongoing peace process between India and Pakistan and finding a respectable resolution of Kashmir issue.

The three-hour long audience Pakistan President Gen. Musharraf granted to the Mirwaiz and his associates Prof Abdul Ghani Bhat and Bilal Lone emboldened them to talk tough against militants and their modus operandi. Their confidence got a great boost as the Pak President agreed to their demand of closing the office of Geelani in Islamabad and they took a public stand even against militants. "This (militancy) has failed to achieve us goal (of freedom) except that it increased the number of graveyards in Kashmir" Mirwaiz grumbled. "The Kashmiris can no longer afford to continue with the violence and bloodshed. The militancy has to pave way for the political discourse so that the issue (of Kashmir) is solved to the expectations of the people of Kashmir and to the acceptability of India and Pakistan", he said.

Earlier, Abdul Gani Lone was the only exception to have mustered the courage to challenge militants on the soil of Pakistan. In 2002, when he was in Pakistan in connection with the marriage of his son Sajjad Lone, he asked foreign militant outfits to withdraw from Kashmir.

Mirwaiz's tough talking on Kashmir militancy seems official line in present day Pakistan. The formation of joint mechanism against terrorism, following a meeting between President Musharraf and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in Havana, last September, rallies on the stoppage of terrorist activities in both countries. Pakistan has already curtailed the activities of militant groups on its soil. It is widely believed that militants would be further marginalized in near future.

Pakistani establishment is working out on an option of encouraging a rift within the militant amalgam United Jihad Council, which is headed by Hizbul Mujahideen chief Syed Salahuddin. The Hizb chief is considered as a close confidant of Syed Ali Geelani and he does not endorse the changing line Pakistan president General parvez Musharaf has adopted on Kashmir issue. A group of senior militant commanders of various outfits including Mushtaq Zargar (al Ummer Mujahideen) and Rafiq Dar (JKLF) are reported to have already distanced themselves from Salahuddin.

This notion got further credence when Mushtaq Zaragar defied the United Jihad Council’s decision to boycott Mirwaiz on his Pakistan sojourn and met him. The supporters of Mirwaiz had raised the banners of Mushtaq zargar and chanted slogans in favor of the Al Ummer chief during their reception to the Mirwaiz on his return from Pakistan to Srinagar. Bilal Gani Lone, son of late Abdul Gani Lone, was also accompanying the Mirwaiz. Bilal’s younger brother Sajjad had parted away from Mirwaiz for the later’s participation in the funeral prayers of an Al Ummer commander Rafiq Dar alias Lidre, who was alleged to be involved in the killing of Abdul Gani Lone.
Ends

SAFFRON

On The Verge Of Extinction

Kashmir’s prize saffron industry is at the verge of extinction. More than natural reasons like erratic rainfall and drought, it is the rampant adulteration and cheaper Iranian imports that have dealt the serious blow to the industry. For being available at cheaper rate, the Iranian saffron has taken over the Kashmiri product in the entire Indian market. And what perturbs the saffron growers here is that the Iranian product is sold under Kashmiri tag.

Kashmir produces 13000 kilograms of saffron (crocus stavia kashmiriana) - a prized and costly ingredient used in medicines and south Asian cuisine annually- which yields an annual turnover of around Rs.200 crore. With timely rainfall this year, the growers expect that the saffron production could shot up to 15000 kilograms but the uncontrolled import of Iranian saffron is haunting them.

“The irony is that Iranian saffron is sold on the Kashmir tag. An influential caucus of saffron dealers imports the Iranian crocus, mixes it with the local production and sells it on the Kashmir brand name”, rues G M Pampori, President of Saffron Growers Association.

Saffron is the dried reddish-purple stigma painstakingly collected from billions of flowers grown on 4500 hectares of fertile land spread over 200 villages of the prosperous Pampore belt in the outskirts of Kashmir's winter capital, Srinagar. The Kashmiri saffron is priced at Rs.30000-35000 per kilogram. However, the availability of Iranian product, which sells just between Rs.18000-20000, has given the growers a tough time.

Ironically, there is no official agency to check the menace. "We have reports that our saffron is being adulterated by vested interests, and are seriously contemplating to take measures to check it," declares Agriculture Minister Abdul Aziz Zargar. He said that they have raised the issue with the central government many a times but the problem still existed. “We are brining a Bill in the state assembly by which we would fix a particular tag for our product to separate it out from the Iranian one”, Zargar told the Hindustan Times.

Kashmiri saffron is the most celebrated in the world, and experts stress for maintaining its high standard. Cultivated in a special eco-system, the saffron is produced only in Iran and parts of southern Europe, especially Spain. A study at the Sher-e-Kashmir University of Agricultural Sciences and Technology (SKUAST) says that Kashmiri saffron is qualitatively very rich, containing 17 percent of crocin, the pigment which lends color and aroma to the spice.

Year after the Earthquake

KAMALKOTE

In the official records, this is a model village adopted by the state government. But all one can see here as a classic sign is a 6x4 feet block raised at the roadside proclaiming “Model Village Kamalkote”. The rest is shattered heaps of the houses, crumbled under a devastating earthquake in living memory that struck this region on October 8, last year.

Even after one year of the earthquake, life here seems far from normal. Single room tin-sheds, which the residents use as their shelter-houses is all that has come up in this village in the past one year. People tell terribly familiar stories of loss and deprivation.

KAMALKOTE is a vast village sparsely located on a mountainous landscape of Qazi Naag. It is connected with the tehsil headquarters of Uri by a 24-km long road. With sharp bends and curves, most part of the road is rundown, and the danger of skidding off the bend and falling hundreds of feet into flashing river Jehlum beneath always hangs around while traveling on the road.

Of 667 deaths in entire URI belt, 306 had taken place in KAMALKOTE quarter alone. Official statistics say that 1871 residential houses and other structure had crumbled down in the earthquake.

“Rs.40,000 has been paid to every affected family as the first installment to raise their houses. The second installment of Rs.30,000 is being distributed from September 28”, says Sub Divisional Magestrate Bashir Ahmad Dar. He however added that the second installment would be paid only to those people, who have raised their houses upto plinth level.

“How would we build our houses? It costs us between Rs.18000—20000 to get a truck-load of bricks here, which is available for even less than Rs.10,000 at other places”, says Mohammad Yousuf Khan, sarpanch of the village. “A cement bag costs over Rs.350 here”, he adds.

In the entire Kamalakote village just one structure has been raised above the plinth level. The structure, which belongs to a widow Hashim Bhi, is being constructed by the local Masjid Committee. The scene at other patis (sectors) of the village including Sultan Dhaki, Dachi, Chappar, Dulanga, Paranpeela and Sarai Bandi is no different.

The residents of Kundi Burjala are facing even worse problem. Located three km ahead on the mountain top, a foot-path connects the village with Kamalkote. “We have to pay additional cost of head-loading the material to our village”, said Ghulam Patti of Kundi Burjala. “And a truck-load of bricks costs us further Rs.5000”, he adds. Forty people had died in the village and 151 structures were smashed in the earthquake.

“The government cannot build houses for each individual. We can provide relief, and that we have provided very generously. The people to stand up on their own and with encouragement and facilities from the government have to overcome their problems”, says Taj Mohiuddin, minister for Consumer Affairs and Public Distribution, who represent Uri constituency in the state assembly.